Helpline: Text & Notes
One of the main features of Alexandrian poetry is its (beautiful) complexity. Even understanding a short passage can be challenging for modern readers. Below, you will find a study guide for the Greek passages I mentioned on this site.
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Arg. 2.309-36
The prophet Phineus instructs the Argonauts on how to surpass the Clashing Rocks
Arg. 4.256-81
Argos discloses the map of an 'alternative path' from the Black Sea to Greece
Arg. 4.1546-61
The marine god Triton shows a way out of Lake Triton to the Argonauts
Notes on Arg. 2.309-36
αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐν μέσσοισι παρ᾽ ἐσχάρῃ ἧστο γεραιὸς
πείρατα ναυτιλίης ἐνέπων ἄνυσίν τε κελεύθου: 310
The old man himself sat in their midst by the hearth, and told them about the paths they must sail and how to accomplish the journey:
309-10: The old man is Phineus, son of Agenor (Arg. 2.178, 237), and a former king of Thrace (Arg. 2.238). Phineus is about to speak among the Argonauts after Zetes and Calais, the sons of Boreas, successfully chased the Harpies away from his land (Arg. 2.240-97). The Harpies, who relentlessly torment Phineus by depriving him of food and covering any food leftovers with stench, are an instrument of Zeus’s justice against him. The old man, in fact, was a well-known prophet in Thrace, but his carelessness in revealing Zeus’ secrets to others cost him his sight and led to divine punishment (Arg. 2.209-39).
πείρατα ναυτιλίης: The term πεῖραρ, -ατος generally means ‘limit, edge’ and, more specifically, ‘completion, achievement,’ or even ‘doom.’ Apollonius’ expression ‘peirata of the voyage’ refers to both the geographical borders of the Argonauts’ journey and the physical and emotional challenges of the expedition. In other words, in his account, Phineus will describe the route and the difficult obstacles waiting for the heroes.
ἄνυσίν τε κελεύθου: the ‘journey’s completion’. Although this refers only to the journey from the Bosphorus to Colchis, the theme of the nostos, ‘return voyage,’ and, therefore, the fulfilment of the hero’s journey is a traditional epic theme.
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‘κλῦτέ νυν. οὐ μὲν πάντα πέλει θέμις ὔμμι δαῆναι
ἀτρεκές: ὅσσα δ᾽ ὄρωρε θεοῖς φίλον, οὐκ ἐπικεύσω. […]
"Listen to me now. It is not permitted by the gods that you should know everything accurately, but what they wish you to know, I shall not conceal from you. […]
311-2: The incipit of Phineus’ speech highlights the major themes of this episode: the limitations on human knowledge imposed by the gods and those set for seers (or, in general, exceptional humans) to disclose divine knowledge.
κλῦτέ νυν: The imperative ‘listen!’ introduces a warning to the heroes about the risks of gaining super-human knowledge. This abrupt start conveys Phineus’ intense feelings about this topic and his past errors.
πέλει: ἐστί, ‘is’.
θέμις: Literally meaning ‘that which is laid down or established,’ this term refers to what is religiously allowed or suitable before the gods.
δαῆναι: εἰδέναι, ‘to know’.
ἀτρεκές: The enjambment places the adverb in a strong position at the beginning of line 312. This adverb meaning ‘strictly, precisely, exactly’ is often found in Homer (Il. 5.208, ‘ἀ. μαντεύσομαι’ Od. 17.154; cf. also Hdt. 1.209 ‘ἀ. εἰδέναι’).
ὄρωρε: ἐστί, ‘is’.
ἐπικεύσω: This verb is often used with a negative: ‘I will not conceal’. The act of gaining knowledge is again described as uncovering, unveiling, or revealing information that already exists on the divine level but is inaccessible to humans.
πέτρας μὲν πάμπρωτον, ἀφορμηθέντες ἐμεῖο,
Κυανέας ὄψεσθε δύω ἁλὸς ἐν ξυνοχῇσιν,
τάων οὔτινά φημι διαμπερὲς ἐξαλέασθαι.
οὐ γάρ τε ῥίζῃσιν ἐρήρεινται νεάτῃσιν, 320
ἀλλὰ θαμὰ ξυνίασιν ἐναντίαι ἀλλήλῃσιν
εἰς ἕν, ὕπερθε δὲ πολλὸν ἁλὸς κορθύεται ὕδωρ
βρασσόμενον: στρηνὲς δὲ περὶ στυφελῇ βρέμει ἀκτῇ.
When you depart from me, you will first see the Dark Rocks, two of them, where the sea narrows. I tell you that no one has ever succeeded in passing through them. They arc not firmly fixed with deep roots, but clash together constantly, and above them a great mass of sea-water seethes and boils, while all around the rocky shore resounds with a harsh roaring.
317-23: Phineus describes the Clashing Rocks, or Symplēgades. This passage recalls Circe’s description to Odysseus of the dangerous passage between the Planctae (Od. 12.66-8).
πέτρας… Κυανέας: Kyanean Rocks, or Kyanean Islands (Κυάνεαι νῆσοι), is another name for the Symplēgades (v. συμπλήσσειν, ‘to strike together’). The adjective κυάνεος, ‘dark, black’, seems to point to the rocks’ aesthetic appearance.
πάμπρωτον ἀφορμηθέντες ἐμεῖο: The Clashing Rocks are the first obstacle the Argonauts will face as they leave Thynias.
ἐν ξυνοχῇσιν: ‘in the narrow part of the sea’, i.e., the north-eastern edge of the Bosphorus.
φημι: ‘I say’. Forms of φημι are typical in reported speech. The first person singular, unlike the third singular and plural (φησι or φασι), certainly adds a sense of certainty. In Phineus’ case, his prophetic knowledge ensures greater reliability.
ἐξαλέασθαι: ‘to drive out of’, hence ‘escape’. The Argonautica is an epic ‘of first times’: the Argo is the first ship ever created—even though this might be debated, as we see in the poem—, the Argonauts are the first heroes to cross the Clashing Rocks, and, finally, to travel to and from Colchis unscathed. Generally, there appears to be a strong sense of urgency from Apollonius to emphasize these foundational moments and trace the origins of certain events or myths.
ῥίζῃσιν… νεάτῃσιν: The rocks are not anchored with ‘roots extending deep’ into the sea bottom. The absence of any anchorage makes them movable.
ἐρήρεινται: ‘they hang on, are fastened upon’ (ἀείρονται).
ἀλλὰ θαμὰ ξυνίασιν ἐναντίαι ἀλλήλῃσιν: This line is heavily alliterating. The rhetorical effect of the alliteration heightens the depiction of the rocks’ clashing. The use of adjectives and pronouns describing contrast (ἐναντίαι, ἀλλήλῃσιν) emphasizes the rocks’ ongoing movement.
εἰς ἕν: This phrase is emphatically placed at the beginning of the line. The rocks constantly move against each other, and as they clash, they come together to form a single monolith. The emphasis on the rocks’ contraction is foreboding, since the Argo will soon need to sail through them to progress in its journey.
ὕπερθε δὲ πολλὸν… ὕδωρ: The water swirling under the rocks poses an equally serious danger for the Argo, which risks being swallowed up even if it manages to pass the rocks.
κορθύεται: The verb κορθύνειν, ‘to lift up, raise,’ belongs to the epic register (Il. 9.7, Hes. Th. 853).
βρασσόμενον: ‘boiling, surging’, referring to ὕδωρ.
στρηνές: ‘harshly’. The neuter sing. form of the adjective is used adverbially.
βρέμει: ‘roars’. This verb is usually linked to the sea in poetry, especially to waves crashing on the shore. Apollonius’ use of βρέμω conveys a synesthesia that enhances the emotional charge of this picture: the sea waves crash on the surrounding shore, producing a loud noise, in the same way as the rocks stridently clash against each other.
324-7: Phineus again urges the Argonauts to continue their journey according to the will of the gods and his advice. Divine punishment, Phineus warns, will easily occur if the heroes give in to the haste and inexperience typical of youth.
πίθεσθε: This command recalls the earlier imperative form of line 311 (κλῦτε). Phineus’ imperative here underlines once again the need for the heroes to listen to his guidance if they want to survive.
πυκινῷ… νόῳ: ‘with shrewd mind’. In Apollonius, the adjective πυκινός appears to assume meta-poetic functions on several occasions. For instance, at Arg. 1.766-7, one of the scenes represented on Jason’s cloak is Phrixus and the ram, which appears to speak a ‘shrewd prophecy’ (πυκινήν… βάξιν). The ram’s prophecy echoes Apollo’s prophecy at the start of the poem (Arg. 1.8) and may also refer to Zeus’ prophecies later in the work. For this, see Petrovic (forthcoming). In this case, the message is to follow Phineus’ instructions and apply them wisely. The meta-poetic function of this expression becomes clearer once the Argonauts reach the Symplēgades: to pass the rocks safely, the heroes must remember and apply the seer’s advice; the reader is reminded of this earlier section and sees it reflected in the upcoming challenges; the poet calls back to his earlier passage and thus references himself when describing the events.
αὐτάγρετον οἶτον: This is a ‘self-inflicted fate.’ This phrase, grammatically connected to the verb ὄλησθε, emphasizes how utter ruin often results from decisions made independently of the gods' will.
θύνετ᾽… νεότητι: The link between rush and youth is stereotypical. Interestingly, in this context, this pairing is also connected to a reckless disregard for the gods’ will.
τῶ νῦν ἡμετέρῃσι παραιφασίῃσι πίθεσθε,
εἰ ἐτεὸν πυκινῷ τε νόῳ μακάρων τ᾽ ἀλέγοντες 325
πείρετε: μηδ᾽ αὔτως αὐτάγρετον οἶτον ὄλησθε
ἀφραδέως, ἢ θύνετ᾽ ἐπισπόμενοι νεότητι.
Therefore follow my advice, if indeed you are travelling with prudence and respect for the blessed gods. Do not thoughtlessly rush on in the enthusiasm of youth to bring death upon yourselves.
οἰωνῷ δή πρόσθε πελειάδι πειρήσασθαι
νηὸς ἄπο προμεθέντες ἐφιέμεν. ἢν δὲ δι᾽ αὐτῶν
πετράων πόντονδε σόη πτερύγεσσι δίηται, 328
μηκέτι δὴν μηδ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἐρητύεσθε κελεύθου,
ἀλλ᾽ εὖ καρτύναντες ἑαῖς ἐνὶ χερσὶν ἐρετμὰ
τέμνεθ᾽ ἁλὸς στεινωπόν: ἐπεὶ φάος οὔ νύ τι τόσσον
ἔσσετ᾽ ἐν εὐχωλῇσιν, ὅσον τ᾽ ἐνὶ κάρτεϊ χειρῶν.
τῶ καὶ τἆλλα μεθέντες ὀνήιστον πονέεσθαι 336
θαρσαλέως: πρὶν δ᾽ οὔτι θεοὺς λίσσεσθαι ἐρύκω.
I bid you first of all let a dove fly far from the ship to test the way as a sign. If on her wings she passes safely through these rocks and reaches the Pontos, then hold back no longer from making the journey yourselves. Grasp the oars in the strong grip of your hands and cut through the narrow channel of the sea, since success will depend not so much on your prayers as on the strength of your arms. Abandon all other concerns and exert yourselves to the utmost, and with confidence. Up until this point I do not forbid you from calling upon the gods."
328-36: Phineus reveals the ‘trick’ to passing the Clashing Rocks. The Argonauts should send a dove through the rocks first, and if the bird returns unharmed, they can attempt to sail through. Phineus also advises them to rely more on their physical strength than on the gods. However, despite Phineus’ advice, the heroes will need divine help to survive the Symplēgades. Indeed, without Athena’s assistance, they would have been pushed back by the current against the rocks.
οἰωνῷ… πελειάδι: The motif of the dove’s flight is a common theme in ancient mythology. Notable examples include the Mesopotamian and Abrahamic flood myths, where both Gilgamesh and Noah release a dove from their vessels to find land (Epic of Gilgamesh XI Tablet, and Genesis 8.11). In ancient Greek mythology, the dove is connected with Aphrodite. Given Aphrodite’s role in Book 3 to aid Hera in supporting Jason and the Argonauts, the dove is a particularly fitting choice for a bird whose return flight symbolizes safe sailing.
ὅσον τ᾽ ἐνὶ κάρτεϊ χειρῶν: At this juncture, Phineus’ advice is to rely not so much on prayers as on their strength. Phineus’ hint about the Argonauts’ physical skills balances his earlier advice to use sharpness of mind.
πρὶν δ᾽ οὔτι θεοὺς λίσσεσθαι ἐρύκω: Phineus’ final remark that it would be prudent to pray to the gods before sailing reveals his underlying lack of confidence. Despite his earlier advice not to rely too much on prayers, his prophetic certainty seems to weaken when facing the dangerous task. It is also possible that the need for prayers is something the seer considers only after reflecting on his own condition and realizing that he had previously disregarded Zeus’ will and incurred his wrath.
Notes on Arg. 4.256-81
Ἄργος δὲ λιλαιομένοις ἀγόρευσεν:
‘Νισσόμεθ᾽ Ὀρχομενὸν τὴν ἔχραεν ὔμμι περῆσαι
νημερτὴς ὅδε μάντις, ὅτῳ ξυνέβητε πάροιθεν.
Argos, however, responded to their need: "Our destination was Orchomenos, by the route which that truthful prophet whom you recently encountered warned you to travel.
256-8: At this point, the Argonauts have just left Colchis and are hurriedly trying to get back to Greece while escaping the Colchian warriors chasing them. Phineus, the Thracian prophet, has already told them that they would not return home by the same route they used to reach Colchis. Still unsure of what to do, they land on the Paphlagonian shore near the mouth of the Halys River. Here, Argos informs the Argonauts that he knows of another route that goes from Colchis to the Aegean Sea.
Ἄργος: Argos is one of the sons of Chalciope, daughter of Aeetes and princess of Colchis, and Phrixus, the Greek hero who arrived in Colchis aboard the golden ram. Argos, a Colchian prince himself, is half-Greek and half-Colchian; therefore, he is fluent in both the Greek and Colchian languages. According to Herodotus, who devotes an entire logos to discussing Colchis and its founding (Hdt. 2.102-10), the Colchians speak Egyptian because Egyptian soldiers initially settled their land.
Νισσόμεθ᾽ Ὀρχομενόν: Argos’ journey to Orchomenos takes place outside the events of Apollonius’ narrative. As we learn in Book 2, the young prince and his brothers left Colchis to cross the Hellespont at Phrixus’ command, who told them to go to Greece to retrieve his father’s inheritance (Arg. 2.1150-3). However, the Phrixids’ ship was wrecked by a storm near the Island of Ares (Arg. 2.1125-7), where the Argonauts found and rescued them. At this juncture, Apollonius confirms Phineus’ prediction that the Argonauts would find unexpected help near the island. Argos, in fact, not only helps the Argonauts secure Medea’s help and retrieve the Golden Fleece but also, in this episode, enables them to find an alternative route back to Greece.
νημερτὴς ὅδε μάντις: The prophet Phineus, who predicted that the Argonauts would return home via a different route than the one they took on their way to Colchis. The Homeric adjective νημερτής, meaning 'unerring, infallible,' is usually seen in Apollonius connected to nouns or phrases that refer to knowledge (cf. 4.810 'νημερτέα μῦθον' and 4.1184 'νημερτέα βάξιν').
ἔστιν γὰρ πλόος ἄλλος, ὃν ἀθανάτων ἱερῆες
πέφραδον, οἳ Θήβης Τριτωνίδος ἐκγεγάασιν. 260
For there is another way for ships, which the priests of the immortals who were born of Thebe, daughter of Triton, discovered.
259-60: After mentioning Phineus' direct route, Argos reveals to the Argonauts the existence of a second path, which only the Colchians seem to know about because the ancient Egyptian priests discovered it.
πλόος ἄλλος: Already, Phineus in Book 2 mentions a second route, ἕτερον πλόον (Arg. 2.421), from Aia to Greece. However, instead of specifying the source of this information—assuming he knew it—Phineus tells the Argonauts that 'a god will guide' them (δαίμων… ἡγεμονεύσει, Arg. 2.421). Phineus' knowledge, which so far is factual and geographically accurate, lacks certain details; Argos' story will provide those in Book 4.
ἀθανάτων ἱερῆες: The source of knowledge for the 'alternate path' is the Egyptian 'priests of the immortals.' At first glance, Argos' reference to the Egyptian priests appears to be a sudden shift in the story. The reader might wonder why Apollonius chose to introduce this connection at such a critical point; however, the solution to this question is once again provided, on the Greek side of things, by none other than Herodotus' Book 2. Herodotus often states that the Egyptians had the reputation of being the 'wisest' of all men (e.g., τοὺς σοφωτάτους ἀνθρώπων Αἰγυπτίους, Hdt. 2.160). Moreover, Herodotus reports that the Heliopolitans are believed to be the 'most learned' among the Egyptians (οἱ γὰρ Ἡλιοπολῖται λέγονται Αἰγυπτίων εἶναι λογιώτατοι, Hdt. 2.3).
πέφραδον: Homeric epic aorist of φράζω, 3rd pers. plural.
Θήβης Τριτωνίδος: 'Tritonian Thebes,' or 'Thebes daughter of Triton,' is the ancient Egyptian city of Thebes, since Triton is another name for the river Nile (Arg. 4.269). Located on the Nile 800 km south of the Mediterranean Sea, Thebes was the capital of Egypt during the New Kingdom. Although its political influence declined over the following centuries, it remained a significant center for learning and culture in the 5th century BC (cf. Hdt. 2.3), and it continued to be a major site of worship for the Egyptian Sun-god Amun-Re.
οὔπω τείρεα πάντα, τά τ᾽ οὐρανῷ εἱλίσσονται,
οὐδέ τί πω Δαναῶν ἱερὸν γένος ἦεν ἀκοῦσαι
πευθομένοις: οἶοι δ᾽ ἔσαν Ἀρκάδες Ἀπιδανῆες,
Ἀρκάδες, οἳ καὶ πρόσθε σεληναίης ὑδέονται
ζώειν, φηγὸν ἔδοντες ἐν οὔρεσιν. οὐδὲ Πελασγὶς 265
χθὼν τότε κυδαλίμοισιν ἀνάσσετο Δευκαλίδῃσιν,
ἦμος ὅτ᾽ Ἠερίη πολυλήιος ἐκλήιστο,
μήτηρ Αἴγυπτος προτερηγενέων αἰζηῶν,
καὶ ποταμὸς Τρίτων ἠύρροος, ᾧ ὕπο πᾶσα
ἄρδεται Ἠερίη: Διόθεν δέ μιν οὔποτε δεύει 270
ὄμβρος: ἅλις προχοῇσι δ᾽ ἀνασταχύουσιν ἄρουραι.
Not yet did all the constellations whirl around the heaven, not yet could enquirers learn of the sacred race of the Danaans. Only the Apidanean Arkadians existed, Arkadians, who are said to have lived even before the moon, eating acorns in the mountains. At that time the Pelasgian land was not ruled over by the glorious descendants of Deukalion; Egypt, mother of the men of earlier times, was called Eeria, rich in crops, and Triton was the name of the broad-flowing river by which the whole of Eeria is watered—as heavy rain from Zeus never drenches it—and whose streams cause crops to shoot up in the fields.
261-71: Argos embarks on narrating the legendary founding of Colchis by setting the scene in a distant past. This account is crucial for explaining the discovery of the second route and the way this knowledge was transmitted. In this 'protohistorical' period, Argos claims that, while Greek founders, such as Deucalion and Pyrrha, had not yet established their line, the Egyptians were already thriving.
οὔπω τείρεα πάντα: The idea that 'not yet all the constellations' existed clearly indicates a very distant period in time. The noun τεῖρος is an epic form of τέρας meaning 'the heavenly constellations, signs'. Apollonius' model for this phrase is Iliad 18, where Homer described the constellations on the shield of Achilles (ἐν δὲ τὰ τείρεα πάντα, τά τ᾽ οὐρανὸς ἐστεφάνωται, Il. 18.485). Based on the Homeric parallel, Argos' account of a time 'before all the constellations' would precede the age of heroes to which Achilles belongs. From a meta-poetic perspective, this period also predates Homer and, thus, Greek literature. Moreover, considering that several Greek myths involve metamorphoses of human beings into constellations, this phrase might also refer to a time 'before Greek myth'.
Δαναῶν ἱερὸν γένος: 'Danaans' was a synonym for 'Greeks' in Homer, supporting the idea that Apollonius is referring to a time 'before Homer.' Additionally, in ancient Greek myth, the Δαναοί were also the subjects of Danaus (Δαναός), the king of Libya, who fled to Argos with his fifty daughters after Aegyptus had determined to marry them to his fifty sons. When Danaus and his daughters arrived in Argos, Pelasgus governed the region, and the Pelasgians were the autochthonous people of Greece (see, for example, Aesch. Supp. 348-9). Since Apollonius explicitly mentions the Pelasgians as another terminus ante quem for the founding of Colchis, it again appears possible to interpret Apollonius' phrase as suggesting a time that predates Greek mythological stories of foundation.
Ἀρκάδες Ἀπιδανῆες: According to Argos' story, the Arcadians are the only people living in Greece at the time when Colchis was founded. The epithet Apidaneans, referring to the Arcadians, also appears in Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus (1.14). Aeschylus explains that this epithet originates from the name of Apollo's son Apis, who traveled to the Peloponnese from Nauapactus to cleanse the land of pollution caused by 'man-destroying monsters' (Suppl. 260-70). To confirm the idea of Apidaeans as proto-Arcadians, Argos states that they lived 'before the time of the moon' and 'used to eat acorns on the mountains' (Arg. 4.264-5). The tradition according to which the Arcadians lived 'before the moon' dates to the 4th century BC (Eudox. fr. 315 Lasserre, Arist. fr. 608 Gigon, Pfeiffer on Call. fr. 191.56, and perhaps earlier, Ar. Clouds 398, fr. 878 K-A) (Hunter 2015: 118).
Πελασγὶς χθών: i.e., 'Greece'. See comm. ad 4.262.
Δευκαλίδῃσιν: The 'sons of Deucalion.' It is unclear whether Apollonius is referring to the actual descendants of Deucalion or, more generally, the Greeks. Regardless, there are some references to Deucalion's descendants in Greek literature. For instance, Idomeneus is mentioned as Deucalion's son in Hesiod's Catalogue of Women (Hes. fr. 204. 56 ff. M–W). The scholia to Ap. Rhod. Arg. 3.1086 also mention Helle as a descendant of Deucalion and Pyrrha, as well as the progenitor of the Hellenes. Notably, the passage on which the Apollonian scholia commented highlights Deucalion as a founder of Greek cities, establishing temples for the gods and ruling over mankind (Arg. 3.1087-9).
Ἠερίη πολυλήιος: The richness of Egypt's soil has been renowned since antiquity. The attribute πολυλήιος, 'rich in cornfields', and the substantive adjective ἠερίη, 'misty', which Apollonius applies here to Egypt, are also connected to the Pelasgian land, i.e., Greece (ἠερίη πολυλήιος αἶα Πελασγῶν, Arg. 1.580). Furthermore, it is notable that this passage features numerous verbal and thematic repetitions that connect it to other references to the myth of Deucalion and the Pelasgians in the Argonautica, as if the poet intended his readers to compare Greek and Egyptian foundational stories.
ἐκλήιστο: 'was celebrated as,' pluperfect passive of κληΐζω.
μήτηρ Αἴγυπτος προτερηγενέων αἰζηῶν: The name Αἴγυπτος was used for both the country and the Nile in Homer (Od. 4.477, 581, 14.258); therefore, Argos remarkably uses two names, Τρίτων and Αἴγυπτος, that are older than Νεῖλος (Hunter 2015: 119). Also, the adjective προτερηγενής, meaning 'born earlier, older,' is quite rare (cf. Call. H. 1.58). Overall, this choice of vocabulary makes Argos' description of Egypt sound somewhat obscure and archaizing.
ποταμὸς Τρίτων: The river Nile. Triton is also the name attributed to a lake in Northern Egypt, home to the homonymous marine divinity. The Argonauts visit the lake during the Libyan episode in Book 4. According to myth, the Lake Triton was the birthplace of Athena (see, for instance, Aesch. Eum. 292-3, Call. fr. 37 Harder, and Arg. 4.1309-11).
ὄμβρος... προχοῇσι: Egypt's lack of rain is a topos (Eur. Hel. 1-3, Hdt. 2.13.3). This ring composition refocuses on Egypt's epithet as 'rich in crops' (πολυλήιος). This conclusion also highlights Zeus' limited involvement in Egypt's fertility, suggesting the influence of other local deities, such as the marine god Triton.
ἔνθεν δή τινά φασι πέριξ διὰ πᾶσαν ὁδεῦσαι
Εὐρώπην Ἀσίην τε βίῃ καὶ κάρτεϊ λαῶν
σφωιτέρων θάρσει τε πεποιθότα: μυρία δ᾽ ἄστη
νάσσατ᾽ ἐποιχόμενος, τὰ μὲν ἤ ποθι ναιετάουσιν, 275
ἠὲ καὶ οὔ: πουλὺς γὰρ ἄδην ἐπενήνοθεν αἰών.
The story is that a man set out from there to travel through the whole of Europe and Asia, trusting in the might, strength, and boldness of his armies. In the course of his progress he founded numberless cities, some of which are still inhabited, and some not, for long ages have passed since then.
272-6: The account of the founding of Colchis is closely connected to the previous section. The story of a man who left Egypt and traveled across Europe and Asia, founding many cities including Aia, the capital of Colchis, is intentionally vague. Not only does the text include many indefinite references ('from there', 'someone', 'numberless cities', 'some… others', etc.), but the poet also seems to play with the reader's knowledge. Which well-known Egyptian man led an expedition to establish new cities worldwide, including Colchian Aia? Since Argos introduced the story with 'they say,' what is the source of this tale? Also, considering that Apollonius wrote the poem while connected to the Ptolemaic court in Alexandria, what impact does this story have on his audience? For centuries, scholars of the Argonautica have tried to answer these questions. The Apollonian scholia provided an interpretation of the identity of the mysterious Egyptian conqueror that has influenced even modern scholars. According to ancient scholars, the man is Sesostris, the legendary Egyptian pharaoh whose deeds are recorded in Book 2 of Herodotus (Hdt. 2.102-10). Modern scholars have associated this figure with three homonymous kings from the 12th dynasty of Egypt (Sethe 1900: 4-9). The idea that this figure might be connected to the 12th dynasty is also supported by Manetho’s history, a record written in Greek about Egyptian kings from the Hellenistic period. Beyond Greek sources, written accounts focusing on the three Egyptian pharaohs named Sesostris started to appear in the Middle Kingdom, the period of Egyptian history to which the 12th dynasty belonged. The legendary pharaoh Sesostris exemplifies the ideal Egyptian ruler, known for his military conquests that expanded the kingdom and his extensive building projects. Since this model of an ideal ruler fit both native Egyptian and Ptolemaic kings, Sesostris became a widely recognized figure in ancient Egyptian history and was also employed as a tool for political propaganda (see Lloyd 1976: 16-8, Stephens 2003: 34-6, and Hunter 2015: 120). But if the Sesostris model was such a positive example even during the Ptolemaic period, why is Apollonius’ account of the pharaoh so vague? It is possible that, in the aftermath of Alexander’s unmatched campaigns, Apollonius wanted to give his readers a chance to fill in the gaps in his text with the name of the recently deceased king (Hunter 2015: 120). This solution is very attractive, yet still not satisfactory. Perhaps, the truth is that any strong, direct praise of contemporary or old men would fall outside the scope of this passage, as Apollonius’ epic famously falls short of being a panegyric.
ἔνθεν: 'from there,' hence, 'from Egypt'.
τινά: The indefinite pronoun after the demonstrative ἔνθεν, 'from there', adds a sense of ambiguity to the text.
φασι: Apollonius/Argos uses the 3rd person plural, 'they say,' without specifying the subject, to indicate that this information comes from another source. The technical term for this figure of speech is ‘Alexandrian footnote,’ which is a word or phrase, usually involving a verb of saying or hearing, that links the text to another source of knowledge. Argos has already mentioned the Egyptian priests from Thebes as the main source about the 'alternate path' from Colchis to Greece. Could it be that these priests are also the primary source for the Sesostris story? At least, that is what Herodotus states in Book 2.102, where he begins to tell the story of Sesostris. It is unlikely that Argos heard about this story directly from the Egyptian priests of Thebes; if the priests are involved at all, they are more likely to be the initial source of the Sesostris tale, which then spread through word of mouth and texts until the time of the Argonauts. From a meta-poetic perspective, the form φασι, linked to the indefinite pronoun τινά, establishes a connection with Herodotus’ literary priests in Book 2 and, therefore, with Herodotus’ account of the Sesostris legend. See Morrison 2020 on Apollonius and Herodotus.
πέριξ διὰ πᾶσαν… Εὐρώπην Ἀσίην τε: Sesostris' travels across Asia and Europe were renowned in antiquity (cf. Hdt. 2.103.1, and Diod. Sic. 1.55.6). The greatness of Sesostris' accomplishments, including the size of his campaigns, was also used as a tool for political propaganda against non-native rulers of Egypt, such as the Persian king Darius, who governed Egypt from 522 to 486 BC. Notably, Herodotus reports that Darius was denied a statue comparable to that of Sesostris in front of the temple of Ptah because the Persian king did not achieve as many outstanding accomplishments as Sesostris (Hdt. 2.110).
μυρία δ᾽ ἄστη νάσσατ᾽: The numeral μυρία, 'numberless,' contributes to the sense of vagueness in this passage. Sesostris' role in building cities and monuments is another element shared by both Apollonius and Herodotus (Hdt. 2.108; cf. also Diod. Sic. 1.56-7). Apollonius’ emphasis on this hero’s building program also evokes Alexander’s well-known role in founding cities named after himself (Hunter 2015: 120).
ναιετάουσιν: 'are inhabited'.
πουλὺς… αἰών: A reminder that the story of this hero takes place in the ancient past once more pulls the reader away from the memory of Alexander’s recent achievements.
αἶά γε μὴν ἔτι νῦν μένει ἔμπεδον υἱωνοί τε
τῶνδ᾽ ἀνδρῶν, οὓς ὅσγε καθίσσατο ναιέμεν Αἶαν,
οἳ δή τοι γραπτῦς πατέρων ἕθεν εἰρύονται,
κύρβιας, οἷς ἔνι πᾶσαι ὁδοὶ καὶ πείρατ᾽ ἔασιν 280
ὑγρῆς τε τραφερῆς τε πέριξ ἐπινισσομένοισιν.
Aia at least remains intact even to this day, together with the descendants of those men whom this conquerer settled in Aia. Moreover, they preserve writings of their ancestors, pillars on which are shown all the paths and boundaries of the sea and the land for those who arc going to travel in a circuit."
277-81: Argos shifts back to the main topic of the conversation, the map of the 'alternate route,' only in the second half of the speech. The author's delay in reaching the main point is understandable, as the account of the founding of Colchis sets the stage for the description of the map. The sketch of the route carved by the ancient Egyptian settlers on the Colchian pillars is the only physical map mentioned in the Argonautica. The map shows the sailing route for those undertaking a periplous, 'a voyage around' or, in other words, a 'circumnavigation'. The most famous periplous-type of voyage around the Mediterranean and Black Seas is the 4th century BC cartographical account by Ps.-Scylax, which begins at the Pillars of Heracles in the West and ends on the western coast of Africa. The return journey the Argonauts are about to undertake, following Argos' instructions, turns out to be much more complex. Apollonius, in fact, follows the 4th century BC belief (Arist. HA 7.598b17) that the Istros River (Danube), flowing north to south instead of east to west (as Herodotus believed), was navigable from its outlet into the Black Sea up to the point where it divided into two branches, one leading to the Adriatic Sea (Delage 1930: 202-3, and Hunter 2015: 122).
αἶά… Αἶαν: The form αἶα creates a wordplay between the common noun meaning 'land' and the personal noun Aia of the city. The pun heightens the tone of ambiguity produced by the indefinite forms in the passage, as it raises the question of whether the speaker is referring to a general city established by the Egyptian settler or the actual Colchian capital.
υἱωνοί… τῶνδ᾽ ἀνδρῶν: The idea that 'descendants of those men', that is, of the first Egyptian settlers, still live in Aia in Colchis aligns with the Herodotean tradition, which states that the Colchians still resemble the Egyptians in all major aspects (φαίνονται μὲν γὰρ ἐόντες οἱ Κόλχοι Αἰγύπτιοι, 2.104.1).
γραπτῦς πατέρων: The term γραπτύς is a Homeric hapax legomenon meaning 'scratching, tearing,' produced by thorns in Od. 24.229. Apollonius repurposes the form with the meaning of 'writings,' specifically 'carvings, engravings' in Arg. 4.279. Given that the 'ancestors' (πατέρων) mentioned in Argos' story are the first Egyptian settlers of Colchis, their writings are likely to have been Egyptian hieroglyphs (Stephens 2003: 226, and Hunter 2015: 121).
κύρβιας: Conventionally, κύρβεις were three-sided pyramid-shaped pillars that turned on a pivot, with laws inscribed on them (Hunter 2015: 122). On one hand, the pyramid shape of the pillars evokes Egyptian symbolism; on the other hand, the three-dimensionality of the object, which allows for consultation from three sides, fits the periplous-type of journey, meaning a 'voyage around, in a circle'.
πείρατ᾽: Hunter remarks that πείρατα here means 'rules, circumstances of' rather than 'boundaries' of the journey' (Hunter 2015: 122).
πέριξ ἐπινισσομένοισιν: 'for those who travel in a circuit,' hence, 'for those who perform a periplous'.
Notes on Arg. 4.1546-61
ὧς Ἀργὼ λίμνης στόμα ναύπορον ἐξερέουσα
ἀμφεπόλει δηναιὸν ἐπὶ χρόνον. αὐτίκα δ᾽ Ὀρφεὺς
κέκλετ᾽ Ἀπόλλωνος τρίποδα μέγαν ἔκτοθι νηὸς
δαίμοσιν ἐγγενέταις νόστῳ ἔπι μείλια θέσθαι.
… just so did the Argo long wander as it searched for a navigable channel out of the lake. Finally Orpheus bade them offer up outside the ship the great tripod of Apollo, as a propitiation to the local gods for their return.
1546-9: After carrying the Argo on their shoulders across the Libyan desert, the Argonauts finally find the Tritonian lake. However, leaving the lake to sail into the Mediterranean Sea proves as difficult as getting the Argo back into the water, since the Argonauts do not recognize the surrounding landscape. Finally, as a last resort, Orpheus urges them to offer a gift to the local deities and seek their help in return.
λίμνης στόμα: The 'lake mouth', meaning a channel providing them access into the sea.
ἀμφεπόλει: 'wandered, roamed about'.
Ὀρφεύς: In the Argonautica, Orpheus is not the son of Apollo, as different traditions maintain (e.g., Pindar’s Pyth. 4.176–7), but of the Muse Calliope and the Thracian king Oeagrus (Arg. 1.24-5). Although he is not directly related to Apollo, Orpheus’s music possesses an enchanting quality that evokes Apollo’s musical powers. In Apollonius, Orpheus is also often seen as a catalyst of harmony (philia) over strife (neikos) among the Argonauts.
Ἀπόλλωνος τρίποδα: When Jason consults the oracle of Apollo in Delphi before the voyage, he receives two tripods from the god (Arg. 4.529–33). When Jason consults the oracle of Apollo in Delphi before the voyage, he receives two tripods from the god (Arg. 4.529–33). The prophecy associated with this event states that the land where each of the tripods will be dedicated will always be protected from enemy attacks. The Argonauts give the first tripod to the Hylleans as a reward for showing them the correct way during the journey (Arg. 4.526-36).
δαίμοσιν ἐγγενέταις: 'local gods,' meaning the epichoric deities of the region as opposed to the Olympian gods, who live on Mt. Olympus and are not tied to any specific place on earth.
καὶ τοὶ μὲν Φοίβου κτέρας ἵδρυον ἐν χθονὶ βάντες: 1550
τοῖσιν δ᾽ αἰζηῷ ἐναλίγκιος ἀντεβόλησεν
τρίτων εὐρυβίης, γαίης δ᾽ ἀνὰ βῶλον ἀείρας
ξείνι᾽ ἀριστήεσσι προΐσχετο, φώνησέν τε:
Therefore they disembarked on to the land and set up Phoibos' gift. Wide-ruling Triton appeared to them in the form of a young man; he picked up a clod from the earth and offered it to them as a gift of friendship, saying:
1550-3: The marine god Triton responds to the Argonauts' offer to the local gods (δαίμοσιν ἐγγενέταις) of the region. In accepting the Argonauts' gift, Triton offers something in return, as is customary in gift-giving. Triton's gesture of offering a clod of earth will play a significant role later in the poem, as the Argonaut Euphemus drops it into the Aegean Sea, causing it to transform into the island of Kalliste (or Thera) (Arg. 4.1731-64). Thera is the island from which, in historical times, Greek settlers left to establish colonies in North Africa, where they founded Cyrene. According to scholars, since, in the Argonautica, the clod of earth was spontaneously offered by a local god of Libya, this episode validates Greek colonial ambitions in North Africa, including Egypt (Stephens 2003: 179-80).
αἰζηῷ ἐναλίγκιος: The ancient Greek gods often demonstrate their powers as shapeshifters in myth. Here, Triton approaches the Argo, 'resembling a young man,' but he will later morph again into his true form, half-man and half-fish, with a long, bifurcated tail (Arg. 4.1604-16).
τρίτων εὐρυβίης: Triton is a marine deity inhabiting the homonymous lake in Libya. This name and epithet are found in Hes. Theog. 931.
βῶλον: It seems that the tradition of the tripod was entirely separated from that of the clod of earth in the Argonautic myth (Vian 1980: 58-60, and Hunter 2015: 290). For example, Herodotus and Pindar, both writing in the 5th century BC, each tell one side of the story: the former says that Triton demanded the tripod from Jason in exchange for information about the route (4.179); the latter mentions the clod of earth as a gift to Euphemus from Eurypylus, a legendary king of Cyrene (Pyth. 4.33-7). See also comm. ad v. 1561.
ξείνι᾽: 'as a guest-gift'.
‘Δέχθε, φίλοι: ἐπεὶ οὐ περιώσιον ἐγγυαλίξαι
ἐνθάδε νῦν πάρ᾽ ἐμοὶ ξεινήιον ἀντομένοισιν. 1555
εἰ δέ τι τῆσδε πόρους μαίεσθ᾽ ἁλός, οἷά τε πολλὰ
ἄνθρωποι χατέουσιν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοδαπῇ περόωντες,
ἐξερέω. δὴ γάρ με πατὴρ ἐπιίστορα πόντου
θῆκε Ποσειδάων τοῦδ᾽ ἔμμεναι. αὐτὰρ ἀνάσσω
παρραλίης, εἰ δή τιν᾽ ἀκούετε νόσφιν ἐόντες 1560
Εὐρύπυλον Λιβύῃ θηροτρόφῳ ἐγγεγαῶτα.’
"Receive this, my friends, since I have with me here and now no truly wonderful gift to offer those I meet. If you are searching for the channels into this sea, as men who are travelling in a foreign land often must do, I shall tell you. My father Poseidon has made me knowledgeable about this sea, and I rule over the coast. If, though you come from far away, you have heard of a Eurypylos, born in Libya which nurses wild beasts, then I indeed am he."
1554-61: In his speech to the Argonauts, Triton shows that he already knows the reasons why the heroes came to seek communication with the local deities. It is, in fact, typical, he says, for men traveling in a foreign land to inquire about the way. Also, Triton informs the heroes that he is an expert on the sea thanks to his father Poseidon, a god who is certainly more familiar to them.
ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοδαπῇ: 'to, over a foreign land' (Hunter 2015: 290).
ἐπιίστορα πόντου: The issue of knowledge comes up again, with Triton receiving his expertise of the sea from his father, Poseidon. Does this mean that he only knew about his Libyan lake and never actually traveled into the sea? This may be why Poseidon's intervention was needed.
ἀνάσσω… παρραλίης: Triton rules 'by the sea', not directly over the sea.
Εὐρύπυλον: According to some traditions, Eurypylus was a legendary king of Cyrene and, like Triton, a son of Poseidon (e.g., Pind. Pyth. 4.33). In Pindar's Pyth. 4, the Argonaut Euphemus receives the clod of earth directly from Eurypylus, and not Triton. Apollonius appears to have interpreted this tradition freely by identifying Eurypylus with Triton himself, rather than his brother.